200th Birthday of Frederick Engels – International Declaration

Tribune of the People is pleased to share a joint international declaration commemorating the 200th anniversary of Friedrich Engels’ birthday, originally hosted on Communist International, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Internet Review

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

“One cannot understand Marxism and cannot express it in itself, without using all worksof Engels!” (Lenin)

200 years ago, on November 28 in 1820, the great Frederick Engels was born! Engels is one of two founders of Marxism, almighty since true proletarian ideology, one of the classics of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the closest companion in arms of the first of three titans of the almighty since true ideology of the proletariat: Karl Marx. On his 200th birthday we want to celebrate his work and especially his merits in the creation, definition, and development of Marxism, which he has given to the international proletariat under the great leadership of the great Karl Marx. Frederick Engels was the second in command of the great leadership of Marx in the emerging international communist movement (ICM), and his contributions have been essential for the further development of Marxism in Marxism-Leninism and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Engels was born in Barmen (Wuppertal). Engels’ family were textile manufacturers, which enabled him to establish contact with the German workers and then with the English industrial proletariat very early on. From a young age, Engels rebelled against the philistinism of the Prussian bourgeoisie, criticizing in poems, letters, and small articles and was a passionate revolutionary democrat. During his military service at the beginning of the 1840s, Engels collected important experiences, which should later become very useful for him and aroused his continuous interest in military questions, which is why Karl Marx always called him “General” in appreciation of his military knowledge and in proletarian friendship. In the capital of Prussia, as part of the circle of Left Hegelians, he was able to deepen his criticism of the established order, before he went to England, which then was the most developed capitalist country in the world, to work there. In England, he was confronted the first time with the most complete and ripe social form of capitalist mode of production. The class-contradictions and thus aroused class struggle were getting clearer and clearer to him. Then there were also great political upheavals and numerous mass movements in England. Frederick Engels participated lively in them. Through these experiences with the unfolded capitalist production and the political struggles of the masses, Engels left his old Left Hegelian idealism more and more in these disputes and developed strong aspirations not only to take an interest in the struggles of the working class, but to connect firmly with it and making himself be a part of its struggles.

Engels wrote about this step: “I wanted to see you in your own homes, to observe you in your everyday life, to chat with you on your condition and grievances, to witness your struggles against the social and political power of your oppressors. I have done so: I forsook the company and the dinner-parties, the port-wine and champagne of the middle-classes, and devoted my leisure-hours almost exclusively to the intercourse with plain Working-Men; I am both glad and proud of having done so.” (Engels)

With this, the great Frederick Engels gives an incredible example to the communists of the world to unite with the masses and to take a firm position on the side of the proletariat living, working and struggling with the masses.

I. The Struggle Unity Between Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. The Marxist Conception.

The two founders of Marxism, the brilliant Karl Marx and his closest companion in arms Frederick Engels, started to research and take part in the class struggles independently from each other. They achieved similar results in this time and on this basis the unity of these two proletarian leaders was build up, a unity which should change the course of the world and in which the titan Karl Marx had the leadership, because he is the first titan and main representative of the first of three great leaps, as Chairman Gonzalo defined it. That early time in England was decisive for the world outlook and the thought of Frederick Engels, which is very important in this context and the other titan Lenin says about it, that Frederick Engels especially because of the “English years became Marxist.”

As well the great Lenin teaches with his analysis of the correspondences between Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, that “Marx and Engels are justly named side by side as the founders of modern socialism.” (Lenin) As one of two founders of modern socialism, the ideology of the communists, today Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, Frederick Engels contributed in closest struggle unity with Karl Marx, to the foundation of the scientific ideology of the class and gave contributions and developments in all three component parts of Marxism. These are contributions for the birth of Marxism and we want to highlight and emphasize these contributions and developments on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of his birth.

Our founders, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, were united in their work with an indestructible bond in their thoughts and actions, in their joint struggle for the emancipation of the proletariat. They are the authors of the Manifesto of the Communist Party in 1848, the certificate of birth of the International Communist Movement. Its publication coincides with the great revolutionary upsurge of the years 1848-1849, which would shake the whole of Europe, from England to Hungary, when for the first time in history an armed confrontation between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie took place. Marxism was forged and tempered in the fire of class struggle.

The two-line struggle initiated by Engels and crowned with Marx’s work was fundamental to the important victory of the Marxist Red Faction at the Second Congress of the League of the Just in November 1847. At this Congress, personally led by Karl Marx and having Frederick Engels as his secretary, the modification of the name of the League, which will be called the League of Communists from now on, was approved and its old motto, “All men are brothers,” was changed to the immortal motto: “Proletarians of all countries, unite!”

They did not “reinvent” the world, but overcame the limited interpretation and changed it through their work in service of the transformative revolutionary practice of the proletariat. They started from the best, which came up in the old society in the fields of political economy, socialism, and philosophy. Thereby they developed the three component parts of Marxism and acquired the best achievements of the old society from the top, overcame them by dialectical-materialist synthesis and thereby created within the fire of class struggles the sole scientific and demystifying ideology of the proletariat. “Not in the heads of single wise man, but in the real revolutionary struggle of the oppressed and exploited masses of the proletariat, in the growth of their degree of organization, their consciousness, their revolutionary determination which is developing through the struggle, Marx and Engels understood the guarantee for the triumph of socialism,” which is how the Communist International adhered 1937 in the midst of the war against fascism. That means unity of theory and practice, not “only interpret(ed) the world in various ways; the point however is to change it.” (XI. Thesis on Feuerbach)

Another characteristic of the Marxist conception of Frederick Engels was imbued in the political investigative work. He not merely received books and statistics sent from the whole world, evaluated them exhaustively, studied them in an exemplary way and acquired the rational material, but he also did political investigation, for which his work “The Condition of the Working Class in England” is an excellent example. In it, it is stated that: strikes “are the school of war in which the workers prepare themselves for the great struggle, which becomes inevitable.” Lenin described this work as “one of the best works of Marxism” (Lenin) and it is a characteristic for what Lenin, one of the three greatest among the great of Marxism, called with high recognition as “the main merit of Frederick Engels:” the struggle for the connection of socialism with the workers movement, which is the precondition and guarantee of the victory of the proletariat in its revolution, today in the form of People’s War.

After this period of intense battles of the class struggle, Marx moved on to the essential task of theoretically developing scientific socialism by completing the criticism of bourgeois political economy, during the 50s and 60s for the elaboration of Capital, in 1867, which occurred only three years after the foundation of the International Workers’ Association. In that period, the great Engels carried out with enormous dedication the revolutionary task of ensuring the organizational support of Marx, the professional leader of the proletariat.

During this whole period, he kept an intense correspondence with Marx, discussing carefully all the developments of the revolutionary and proletarian struggle in Europe and the world. Marx in his letter of May 7, 1867, shortly after he delivered the manuscripts of the first volume of Capital to the printer, wrote: “Without you, I would never have been able to bring the work to a conclusion, and I can assure you it always weighed like a nightmare on my conscience that you were allowing your fine energies to be squandered and to rust in commerce, chiefly for my sake, and, into the bargain, that you had to share all my petites misères as well.”

The entire genius of the companions in arms Karl Marx and Frederick Engels is described in a letter from Paul Lafargue, which reflects very well the role of the contributions of Frederick Engels: “Marx was never weary of expressing astonishment at the universality of the knowledge of Engels, as well as the wonderful keenness of his mind, which enabled him to see things with lightning rapidity; and Engels was always ready to recognize the powers of Marx’s analysis and synthesis.” So it is completely clear, that Frederick Engels was significant for the forging of Marxism and especially, that he could play a significant role, because the synthesis was in the hands of Marx. The synthesis is decisive, as Chairman Gonzalo teaches us repeatedly. It is exactly because of that, why Frederick Engels was able to fulfill his role as one of two founders of Marxism as excellently, completely, and brilliantly, because he recognized the “power of synthesis” of Marx, placed himself under his great leadership and defended the great leadership of Karl Marx his whole life with incredible commitment. That is precisely why he stated with the focus on the international proletarian movement of their time, that “Marx is far superior to all of them through his genius, scientific accuracy, and   erudition.”  (Engels) and further: “Without him [-Marx] the theory would not be by far what it is today. It therefore rightly bears his name.” (Engels) And this name is representing the eternal struggle unity Marx-Engels!

II. Frederick Engels’ Work as One of the Founders of Marxism.

Within the international workers movement the great Frederick Engels was known for his firm defense of the principals of communism and the mighty Lenin, leader of the Great October Socialist Revolution, emphasized vigorously that Engels became “for the rest of his life a relentless foe on the introduction of philistinism into communism.” (Lenin)

High expression of this firm attitude of Frederick Engels was his struggle against Proudhon, which he already led before the release of his book The Philosophy of Poverty, which was an important basis for the crushing and fundamental work of Marx The Poverty of Philosophy. In this struggle against Proudhon, Engels pointed out in a strong manner that “the chief point was to prove the necessity for revolution by force.” (Engels) Against all forces who want to split Frederick Engels from Marx and desperately try to drive a wedge between their inseparable work, against all who also later tried to distort the work of Frederick Engels and take possession of it for revisionism, it was Frederick Engels as well who defined in this early struggle against Proudhon, already in the year of 1846, the forcible revolution as one of the three general criteria and as general means of communism. This definition of “forcible revolution” as principle of communism was made as part of Frederick Engels’ intensive analysis of questions of military science and he was the first who put the military science directly in the service of the proletariat.

In this question, Engels also gave the international proletariat significant indications on questions of military tactics and method, by placing the military line in firm relation with the development of the proletariat and the capitalist society, stated that the barricade struggle was an outdated and useless tactic and that the proletariat and its party has to find new forms of warfare within the revolution with progressing historical development. But he stressed the necessary protracted period of new forms of revolution by issuing the warning “to imagine the revolution as something to be negotiated overnight. In fact it is a several years lasting process of development of the   masses under accelerating circumstances.” (Engels) Further, he pointed out that the proletariat has to gather the people behind itself against the bourgeoisie, to lead the revolution to victory. The “new forms” Engels stressed were given to the proletariat by means of the Great October Socialist Revolution and finally the highest stage of development of the military theory of the proletariat was created, the protracted People’s War, how it was set forth for the first time systematically and as general, self-contained theory by the other of the three great titans of our class, leader of the Chinese revolution and the Proletarian World Revolution, Chairman Mao Tse-tung.

In the struggle against the poor and detestable Proudhon it was also Frederick Engels, who made decisive contributions to the foundations of the contingents, out of which the Social Democratic Workers‘ Party of Germany should become shaped (the later Communist Party of Germany), because he personally led the meeting where this group was snatched from the influence of the anarchists and Proudhon and placed itself under the leadership of Marxism. Engels confirmed himself by this as pioneer in the struggle for the proletarian party, whose creation was a principle goal of the great friendship of struggle of Marx and Engels from the beginning. Talking about Frederick Engels and the party of the proletariat always means also to talk about proletarian internationalism. That is essential! The merits of Engels for the international proletarian movement, for the First International Worker’s Association and the Second International, are immeasurable.

The struggle which he led for the formation of the communists and the constitution of the Communist Party in the time of the First International was honored with the greatest respect by Karl Marx and the intensive correspondence between the two founders of Marxism on that question shows very precisely, that they acted systematically, in closest conformance and firm unity. That is exactly why the great Karl Marx entrusted Frederick Engels with the draft version for the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.” After the death of Marx it was Frederick Engels who continued his work and he understood excellently to lead the Second International as  an  instrument of struggle against opportunism and revisionism. With the Second International as organ and instrument, Frederick Engels personally initiated the 1st of May as international day of struggle of the proletariat, whereby he emphasized the significance of the “International of Action.” Especially in the struggle against the wrong conceptions of Kautsky, great Frederick Engels pointed out again and again the increasing weight of the anti-colonial struggles and the peasants question, the—how Lenin defined it and Chairman Mao affirmed it by giving guidance—second force of the International Communist Movement (the two great forces of revolutionary movement: The movement of the international proletariat that takes place in the whole world and the national liberation movement generated in the oppressed nations), and concentrated intensively on questions of the revolution in Ireland, Algeria, India, and many more colonial countries.

Regarding the anti-colonial struggles, it is noteworthy that Marx and Engels acknowledged the necessity of the peasants’ struggles to fulfill the democratic revolution in Germany, Marx’s thesis on the necessity of the union of the proletariat and the peasantry and the democratic revolution, which was developed by Lenin and further developed by Chairman Mao as the New Democratic Revolution.

An important milestone is the work The Peasant War in Germany by Engels to understand the weight of the peasants’ struggle for proletarian revolution. Engels represented the conception that the anti-colonial struggles are getting more and more important and their significance in relation to the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in the capitalist countries will increase considerably.

In these works, Engels established the impossibility of the German bourgeoisie to lead its own revolution; therefore it would be up to the proletariat and its party to lead the Democratic Revolution in Germany; that the main ally of the proletariat in the democratic revolution was the peasantry; and from the military point of view the limitation of the insurrectional path. In Revolution and Counter-Revolution, Engels establishes the model of Marxist analysis for the study of a given country. He first presents the study of German society, then the class character of its state, and finally the discourse on the necessary revolution. This model of analysis was creatively applied both by Chairman Mao in his presentation of the magazine The Communist, and by Chairman Gonzalo in the Base of Party Unity of the PCP.

Engels’ analysis of the third Vienna insurrection in October 1848 is a very important pillar of the national question. In Engels’ analysis, we find the foundations of the complete Marxist solution to the problem of nationalities made in 1906 by the great Stalin, the Georgian genius in Lenin’s words.

Marx and Engels’ articles in the New Rhine Gazette on the national and peasant question are very up-to-date. Analyzing the Polish national liberation struggle, Marx stresses: “already then the Poles clearly understood that their independence in foreign affairs was inseparable from the overthrow of the aristocracy and from the agrarian reform within the country.” He laid the foundations of the peasant question for the semi-colonial countries by stating that: “The big agrarian countries between the Baltic and the Black seas can free themselves from patriarchal feudal barbarism only by an agrarian revolution, which turns the peasants who are serfs or liable to compulsory labour into free landowners, a revolution which would be similar to the French Revolution of 1789 in the countryside. It is to the credit of the Polish nation that it was the first of all its agricultural neighbors to proclaim this.” He concludes by making the link between the Polish struggle and the German revolution: “The creation of a democratic Poland is a primary condition for the creation of a democratic Germany.” (The Frankfurt Assembly Debates the Polish Question).

Key questions of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism are settled in these points. We see how the foundations of what comrade Stalin synthesized in a higher way came from Marx and Engels when he says that “the colonial and semi-colonial question is in essence the peasant question.” We also see in Marxism, the foundations of the Marxist-Leninist line that combined the slogan of nationalization of land with Lenin’s call to the peasants to “Go and take the land” in the Great October Socialist Revolution. The fundamental question of the relation between the Proletarian Revolution in the imperialist countries and the National Liberation Movement has also been put forward. As Marx would say again: “While England is the bulwark of landlordism and capitalism, Ireland is the only point where the great blow against official England can really be struck.” (Marx,   Confidential Communication on Bakunin).

Engels stressed that these revolutions are not a question of abstract, formal equality, but have decisive significance for class struggle. But not only the struggle against the early deviations of Kautsky, but also the criticism of Bernstein was powerful and the opportunists dared to step forward openly with their bourgeois and filthy theories only after the death of Engels.

Like Frederick Engels struggled in the time of the First International Workers’ Association, unrelenting and principled against anarchism and Proudhonism, whereby he castigated “Left” opportunism, sectarianism, and isolation from the masses, he then directed his fire against the right opportunism and set instructive blows against parliamentary cretinism and legalism.

With the physical disappearance of Karl Marx on March 14, 1883, Engels not only defended but also developed Marxism. In 1885, he prepared for printing Volume II of Capital, which Marx decided was practically ready for publication, and played a fundamental role in the conclusion of Volume III. With this publication, Engels completed the one of the most important scientific works of Marxism, which cannot be understood separately. And it was Engels who ensured the comprehensive presentation of Marxist political economy, what he called “the most fearsome projectile ever launched at the head of the bourgeoisie and the landowners.”

As the leader of the international proletariat, Engels continued to develop Marxism, and it was from this period that he produced classic works such as The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State in 1884, in which Engels established the scientific basis for the development of the Marxist line on the female question, as well as developing the Marxist theory on the State. 

In 1886, we have Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy, in which Engels scientifically distinguishes the difference between materialism and idealism, between dialectics and metaphysics; he also establishes what are the central questions of Marxist philosophy: the theory of knowledge and dialectical logic. These are questions that were masterfully developed by Lenin in Materialism and Empirio-criticism and in the Philosophical Notebooks; and brilliantly completed by Chairman Mao in On Practice and On Contradiction.

When, in October 1878, the Junker government of Bismarck passed the Anti-Socialist Law, which made the SPD illegal, Engels fought against the liquidationist positions of the right and showed that the Anti-Socialist Law could not destroy the Party, because: “The socialist movement cannot be suffocated or muzzled. On the contrary, the Anti-Socialist Law… will complete the revolutionary education of the German workers.” (The exemption law against the German socialists).

Fighting the right opportunist line, Engels produced the Circular Letter, addressed to the SPD leadership, that letter is also signed by Marx but was entirely written by Engels. In the letter, it is reaffirmed that in the statutes of the International: “We formulate the war cry: the liberation of the working class must be the work of the working class itself.” Fighting against the electoral and economist positions, Engels reveals that the right opportunist line defends that the Party “instead of giving weight to objectives that go far, that scare the bourgeoisie and that, but, are unattainable in our generation, (…) must first use all its strength and energy in those petty-bourgeois mending reforms that give the old order of society new support.” We can see in that passage the development   of the Marxist conception of party, which would be later fully developed by Lenin in his theory of the new type of party, in the struggle against Bernstein’s thesis that the movement is everything and the objectives are nothing. Finally, Engels supports the necessity of the split with opportunism by saying that: “For almost 40 years, we have shown the class struggle as the driving force close of history, and especially the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, as the great lever of the modern social revolution; therefore, it is impossible to accompany with people who want to  exclude this class struggle from the movement.”

In the way how Engels defended and developed the heritage of Marx, how he enforced Marxism within the Second International, it only took few years after the death of Frederick Engels and Lenin, founder and leader of the Communist International, became the great leadership of the International Communist Movement, defended the legacy of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels and developed it further under the present conditions to become a great leap, to the stage of Leninism, which is why the great Lenin stands out particularly among the Great. Thereby the genius Lenin based himself strongly again and again on that work and honored it especially because of the fact that so many foresights which Frederick Engels left for the international proletariat proved to be true, which demonstrates the enormous ideological power and the profound understanding of Frederick Engels, which is why Lenin summed up: “Most astonishing, however, is that so much of what Engels has predicted becomes true‚ as it is written.” (Lenin)

But the brilliant Lenin not only built on the political legacy of Frederick Engels, the ideological relationship of the great Frederick Engels to the leader of the Great October Socialist Revolution, V. I. Lenin, was also of decisive importance in questions of political economy, because it were the notes written by Engels at the end of his life about the development of the monopolies and their economic importance, which were an inspiration and fruitful for the epoch-making work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. The explanations of Frederick Engels about the early development of the monopolies corresponded to his fine sense and deep understanding of economical changes, questions, and laws, which he demonstrated very early, in 1844, with his book Outlines for a Critique of Political Economy which was rated by the gigantic Karl Marx as the “first brilliant sketch for the critique of economic categories.” (Karl Marx)

In the field of philosophy it was Frederick Engels who presented the materialist conception of Marxism, which can be summed up in the fact that “it is not criticism but revolution that is the driving force of history, including religion, philosophy, and other theory. It shows that history does not end (…).” (Engels) And as a result, he continued until the end of his life with two-line struggle to push forward the revolution. This is why we highlight the final two-line struggles led by the great Engels: in the Critique of the Erfurt Programme, 1891, in which he acknowledges the development of the left in the leadership of the SPD, but identifies very important shortcomings. Among them: the lack of the democratic demand for the one and undivided Republic in Germany; and the absence of the defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat. As well as the criticism of the agrarian and peasant program in the German and French parties in 1894. And, finally, the forceful defense of revolutionary violence in the Introduction to Class Struggles in France, 1895.

It is known that it was Frederick Engels, in closest correspondence with the international leader of the proletariat, Karl Marx, who was the first to provide a systematic exposition of the theory of violence of Marxism. He did this in the so-called Anti-Dühring, which is the first systematic exposition of Marxism as an ideology, which was expressly approved by the giant Karl Marx.

The transcendental importance of the Anti-Dühring work is that it contains, for the first time, the systematization of Marxism as the integral doctrine of the proletariat in its three component parts: Marxist philosophy, Marxist political economy, and scientific socialism. In the section of Philosophy, Engels establishes important philosophical syntheses, evidencing that the Marxist philosophical conception is materialist-dialectic, he affirms that “materialism is essentially dialectic” and that “movement is the mode of existence of matter.” In Anti-Dühring, this founder of Marxism smashed natural-philosophical (metaphysical) dualism, with which he laid the basis for Lenin later to annihilate its evolution into monism through his work Materialism and Empirio-criticism. In demonstrating the universality of the dialectic, Engels substantiates what would later be developed by Chairman Mao: the universality of contradiction. Therefore both works belong together and Lenin developed Marxism on this question further under the challenges and questions of a new epoch. It was Chairman Mao Tse-tung, with the genius work On Contradiction, who brought the laws set out in Anti-Dühring to further development and new systematization to the new, third, and superior stage of Marxism, Maoism, and established that the contradiction is the sole fundamental law of dialectics.

In the section of Political Economy, Engels establishes quite clearly the relationship between economy, politics, and war; he also introduces important aspects dealt with by Marx in the first volume of Capital, such as the theory of value and surplus value. In the section of Scientific Socialism, Engels establishes the distinction between scientific, Marxist, and petty-bourgeois utopian socialism; differentiating however what were utopian positions (advanced in his time), from contemporary opportunist positions.

III. The Legacy of Frederick Engels

It is of deep symbolic importance for the international proletariat that this year the 200th birthday of Frederick Engels coincides with the 150th birthday of the brilliant and great Lenin, these two leaders of the world proletariat!

The communists use this symbolic coincidence as an opportunity to multiply their efforts in the leading of the people’s wars, their initiation or preparation for their initiation. What the great Engels gave to Marxism lives on in the People’s Wars in Peru, India, Turkey, and the Philippines, which are the strategic bases of the world proletarian revolution. His contributions find there, in general expanded and developed to a new stage, Maoism, every day anew, living confirmation and constant demonstration of the omnipotence of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. At the anniversary where the birthdays of Lenin and Engels coincide, the communists of the world are referring to the teachings of these two leaders of the world proletariat in order to intensify their efforts in the struggle for the reconstitution or constitution of their communist parties, thereby confirming themselves in the universal law that it is the party which is the central axis, leading its own construction and the concentric construction of the other two instruments.

Frederick Engels’ contributions to Marxism live in the struggles of the communists today, which is why the work of Frederick Engels is not only a chronological part of our history, but part of our work, our plans, and our efforts to connect more and more with the masses to create, or to defend and develop militarized communist parties and to raise higher and higher the red banner of the international proletariat, communism. In what better way to express this than in the fact that the communists today are struggling for their unification on a world level with all determination, courage, and boldness, and are resolutely advancing towards the Unified International Maoist Conference and the New International Organization of the proletariat, on the path towards the reconstitution of the Communist International by developing new People’s Wars and will return to the proletariat also its party on an international level, the International, to which Engels has already dedicated his life!

Engels is contemporary in our struggles. His teachings, which he contributed to Marxism under the leadership of Marx as one of the classics remind us again and again that we must understand that the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, is the great challenge and question for the development of the proletarian revolution in the respective countries; without specification as a guiding thought of the all-powerful since true ideology of the proletariat, there can be no decisive progress in each specific revolution. We reaffirm ourselves in the fact that the unification of communists on world level on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, will serve its concrete application to each specific revolution and will serve Proletarian World Revolution as Frederick Engels personally taught the communists. It is the Communist International that we have to reconstitute and, as Engels described it, it will be an “International of Action!”

Karl Marx, Lenin, and Chairman Mao, three heights among the classics emphasized the importance of Engels for Marxism as an example. Speaking with great Lenin we say: “One cannot understand Marxism and cannot express it in itself, without using all works of Engels!” On the occasion of the 200th birthday of Frederick Engels, we want to reaffirm us and gather with all our strength confirm in this important statement by the great Lenin.

Slogans for the celebration of 200 years of Frederick Engels:










Communist Party of Peru

Revolutionary Nucleus for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Mexico

Committees for the foundation of the (Maoist) Communist Party of Austria

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)

Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile

Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun

Serve the People – Communist League of Norway

Communist Party of Colombia (Red Faction)

Committee for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of the United States

Committee Red Flag – FRG

Maoist Committee in Finland

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